The moral and political status of children essay

So far 3 volumes are available: Readers new to Hobbes should begin with Leviathan, being sure to read Parts Three and Four, as well as the more familiar and often excerpted Parts One and Two. The Philosophical Project Hobbes sought to discover rational principles for the construction of a civil polity that would not be subject to destruction from within. Continued stability will require that they also refrain from the sorts of actions that might undermine such a regime.

The moral and political status of children essay

Mill was raised in the tradition of Philosophical Radicalism, made famous by Jeremy Bentham —John Austin —and his father James Mill —which applied utilitarian principles in a self-conscious and systematic way to issues of institutional design and social reform.

Utilitarianism assesses actions and institutions in terms of their effects on human happiness and enjoins us to perform actions and design institutions so that they promote—in one formulation, maximize—human happiness.

As documented in his AutobiographyMill was groomed from birth by his father to become the ultimate Victorian intellectual and utilitarian reformer. As part of this apprenticeship, Mill was exposed to an extremely demanding education, shaped by utilitarian principles.

While Mill followed the strict intellectual regimen laid down by his father for many years, he suffered a profound intellectual and emotional crisis in the period — As Mill emerged from his depression, he became more concerned with the development of well-rounded individuals and with the role of feeling, culture, and creativity in the happiness of individuals see Capaldi Though Mill never renounced the liberal and utilitarian tradition and mission that he inherited from his father, his mental crisis and recovery greatly influenced his interpretation of this tradition.

He became critical of the moral psychology of Bentham and his father and of some of the social theory underlying their plans for reform.

It is arguable that Mill tends to downplay the significance of his innovations and to underestimate the intellectual discontinuities between himself and his father. We need to try to understand the extent of the transformation Mill brings to the utilitarian and liberal principles of the Radicals.

Bentham begins his Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation with this hedonistic assumption about human motivation. Nature has placed mankind under the governance of two sovereign masters, pain and pleasure Principles I 1. Bentham allows that we may be moved by the pleasures and pains of others.

But he appears to think that these other-regarding pleasures can move us only insofar as we take pleasure in the pleasure of others V In his unfinished Constitutional CodeBentham makes this commitment to psychological egoism clear. On the occasion of every act he exercises, every human being is led to pursue that line of conduct which, according to his view of the case, taken by him at the moment, will be in the highest degree contributory to his own greatest happiness.

So the version of psychological egoism to which he is attracted is psychological hedonism. He may see it as a generalization from his observations about the motives underlying human behavior.

James Mill also treats psychological hedonism as axiomatic in his Essay on Government The desire, therefore, of that power which is necessary to render the persons and properties of human beings subservient to our pleasures, is the grand governing law of human nature.

But these concessions to psychological pluralism are exceptional. Even in contexts where Bentham recognizes motivation that is not ultimately self-interested, he appears to treat it as weaker and less dependable than self-interested motivation Book of Fallacies — Bentham claims that utility not only describes human motivation but also sets the standard of right and wrong Principles I 1.

By the principle of utility is meant that principle which approves or disapproves of every action whatsoever, according to the tendency which it appears to have to augment or diminish the happiness of the party whose interest is in question …. Principles I 2 It remains to be determined whose happiness matters.

One might imagine that it is the utility of the agent. This would be the ethical counterpart to psychological egoism. Bentham says that our account of right action, obligation, and duty ought to be governed by the principle of utility I 9— This seems to imply that an action is right or obligatory just insofar as it promotes utility.

But then the right or obligatory act would seem to be the one that promotes utility the most or maximizes utility. For these reasons, it is common to understand Bentham as combining psychological hedonism and hedonistic utilitarianism. Bentham is not unaware of this tension.

He addresses part of the problem in the political context in other writings, notably his Plan for Parliamentary Reform In the political context, the problem is how we can get self-interested rulers to rule in the interest of the governed, as utilitarianism implies that they should.

We can reconcile self-interested motivation and promotion of the common good if we make rulers democratically accountable to all those whom they govern, for this tends to make the interest of the governed and the interest of the governors coincide.

Each person acts only or predominantly to promote his own interests. The proper object of government is the interest of the governed. Hence, rulers will pursue the proper object of government if and only if their interests coincide with those of the governed.

Hence, rulers must be democratically accountable. It was this reasoning that led Bentham and James Mill to advocate democratic reforms that included extending the franchise to workers and peasant farmers.

In Principles Chapter IV Bentham sets out his conception of pleasure and utility in more detail, distinguishing between intrinsic and relational dimensions of pleasures. For our purposes, some dimensions matter more than others.The Moral and Political Status of Children.

scant attention to children and their moral status. If children were considered, they tended to be used as tests to particular theories based around. A study recently published in the British Journal of Political Science, based on data from the U.S.

and U.K., found that parents who are insistent that their children adopt their political views. Free Political papers, essays, and research papers.

The moral and political status of children essay

My Account. Your Lastly I will discuss his current political status and how I think he made differences in Kentucky. yet extensive questionnaire with responses that did not extend past the boundaries of the children’s literacy abilities.

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**A sample of the questionnaire is listed. Hobbes's Moral and Political Philosophy. Hobbes’s moral philosophy has been less influential than his political philosophy, in part because that theory is too ambiguous to have garnered any general consensus as to its content.

since, as feminist critics among others have noted, children are by Hobbes’s theory assumed to have. Patriarchy is a social system in which males hold primary power and predominate in roles of political leadership, moral authority, social privilege and control of property.

Some patriarchal societies are also patrilineal, meaning that property and title are inherited by the male lineage.. Patriarchy is associated with a set of ideas, a patriarchal ideology that acts to explain and justify this. I think it’s the same phenomenon wherein people become outraged at the prospect of trading-off sacred values for mundane ones.

I think the perceived immorality of this comes because it breaks the moral principle of not taking advantage of people’s misery.

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